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The news that the Home Office is sorting applications for visas with secret algorithms (computing) applied to online applications is a reminder of one of Theresa May’s more toxic and long-lasting legacies: her immigration policies as home secretary. Yet even if the government’s aims in immigration policy were fair and balanced, there would still be serious issues of principle involved in digitizing the process.

Handing over life-changing decisions to machine-learning algorithms is always risky. Small biases in the data become large biases in the outcome, but these are difficult to challenge because the use of software covers them in clouds of confusion and supposed objectivity, especially when its workings are described as “artificial intelligence”. This is not to say they are always harmful, or never any use: with careful training and well-understood, clearly defined problems, and when they are operating on good data, software systems can perform much better than humans ever could.

This isn’t just a problem of software. There is a sense in which the whole of the civil service, like any other bureaucracy, is an algorithmic machine: it deals with problems according to a set of determinate rules. The good civil servant, like a computer program, executes their instructions faithfully and does exactly what they are told. The civil servant is supposed to have a clearer grasp of what their instructing human means and really wants than any computer could. But when the instructions are clear, the machinery of government—a telling metaphor—is meant to put them into action.

Digital algorithms make it easy to make bigger mistakes, faster, and with less accountability. One key difference between the analogue bureaucracy of the traditional civil service and the digitized bureaucracy of artificial intelligence is that it is very much easier to hold a human organization to account and to retrace the process by which it reached a decision. The workings of neural networks are usually vague even to their programmers.

Yet the technology promises so much to governments that they will certainly set up it. This does not mean we are powerless. There are simple, non-technical tests that can be applied to government technology: we can ask easily whether digitizing any particular service makes life better for the public who must use it or merely more convenient for the civil service. In some cases these aims are directly opposed. Forcing applicants for universal credit to apply online directly harms anyone without an internet connection, and such people are likely to be most in need of it. Similarly, the digitization of immigration services means it is more difficult and more expensive to get a face-to-face interview; again, something that is likely to damage those who need it most.

36. According to Paragraph 1, secret algorithms ______.

[A] are used to apply for visas efficiently

[B] cause principle problems for immigration policy

[C] are fair and balanced for immigration policy

[D] belong to one of Theresa’s long-lasting legacies

37. It’s hard to find small data biases in that .

[A] algorithms prefer large biases to small ones

[B] they are covered up by the use of software

[C] they are not clearly defined in criteria

[D] people haven’t been well trained on this

38. In part, the civil service is similar to algorithmic machine because ______.

[A] civil service is set up by algorithmic machine

[B] civil service can identify rules of algorithmic machine

[C] civil servants have the same comprehension with machine

[D] civil servants carry out instructions by certain rules

39. Which one is the feature of digital algorithms?

[A] Certainty of instruction and responsibility.

[B] Uselessness for traditional civil service.

[C] Non-transparency to programmers and civil servants.

[D] Convenience of retracing the decision-making process.

40. The author’s attitude toward digital algorithms in immigration services can be described as ______.

[A] critical

[B] supportive

[C] indifferent

[D] uncertain
 

36. 【答案】B

【解析】本题为细节题。根据题干关键词secret algorithms可定位至原文第一段①句。该句主要介绍了秘密算法在对签证申请进行分类方面的应用。②句则指出使用秘密算法的问题。B项cause principle problems for immigration policy(给移民政策造成原则性问题)是对②句中serious issues of principle involved in digitizing the process的同义替换。故正确答案为B。

【干扰项】A项are used to apply for visas efficiently(用于有效地申请签证)是对①句的错误理解，原文说的是对签证申请进行分类，而不是申请签证。C项are fair and balanced for immigration policy(对移民政策来说是公平且平衡的)偷换概念，②句说的是政府在移民政策上的目标是公平和平衡的。D项belong to one of Theresa’s long-lasting legacies(特蕾莎•梅留下的持久的遗产之一)同样是偷换概念，①句提到特蕾莎•梅留下的持久的遗产之一是她推行的移民政策。

37.【答案】B

【解析】本题为细节题。根据题干关键词hard to find small data biases可定位至原文第二段②句，该句后半句because提示了原因。B项they are covered up by the use of software(它们被软件的使用覆盖了)是对该句中the use of software covers them in clouds of confusion的同义替换。故正确答案为B。

【干扰项】A项algorithms prefer large biases to small ones(算法更喜欢大偏差而不是小偏差)中的large biases和small ones均来自该段②句，但prefer属于无中生有。C项they are not clearly defined in criteria(它们的标准定义不明确)中的defined来自该段③句，但原文说的是问题的定义需要明确。D项people haven’t been well trained on this(人们在这方面没有受过很好的训练)利用该段③句中的careful training进行干扰，但原文说的是对软件系统进行训练。

38.【答案】D

【解析】本题为细节题。根据题干关键词civil service和similar to可定位原文第三段③句。该句指出：好的公务员就像电脑程序一样，忠实地执行指令，严格按照指令行事。D项civil servants carry out instructions by certain rules(公务员按一定的规则行事)是对该段③句的同义替换。故正确答案为D。

【干扰项】A项civil service is set up by algorithmic machine(公务员体系是由算法机器建立的)和B项civil service can identify rules of algorithmic machine(公务员体系可以识别算法机器的规则)都是对该段②句的错误解读，原文只是说整个公务员体系就像任何其他官僚机构一样是一台算法机器，按一定的规则行事。这里的规则指的是国家制度的规定，并不是算法机器的规则。C项civil servants have the same comprehension with machine(公务员对算法机器也有同样的理解)属于偷换概念，公务员需要识别理解的是政府的指令。

39.【答案】C

【解析】本题为细节题。根据题文同序原则和题干关键词digital algorithms可定位至原文第四段。该段主要介绍了数字算法的特点。C项Non-transparency to programmers and civil servants(对程序员和公务员不透明)是对该段③句的同义替换，Non-transparency与vague对应。故正确答案为C。

【干扰项】A项Certainty of instruction and responsibility(指令和责任明确)和D项Convenience of retracing the decision-making process(方便追溯决策过程)都属于偷换概念，根据该段②句可知是传统的公务员制度更方便追溯决策过程，指令和责任也更明确。B项Uselessness for traditional civil service(对传统的公务员体系无用)无中生有。

40.【答案】A

【解析】本题为态度题。根据题干关键词digital algorithms in immigration services可定位至原文第五段⑥句，与句中的digitization of immigration services对应。该句指出：移民服务的数字化意味着面对面的面试更加困难和昂贵;同样，这可能会伤害那些最需要它的人。由此可知作者对移民服务中的数字算法是持批判态度的，A项critical(批判的)符合原文内容。故正确答案为A。

【干扰项】B项supportive(支持的)、C项indifferent(不关心的)和D项uncertain(不确定的)都与作者表达的态度不符。
 

【参考译文】

英国内政部正在使用应用于在线申请的秘密算法对签证申请进行分类，这一消息提醒人们关注特蕾莎•梅留下的更有害、更持久的遗产之一：她担任内政大臣期间推行的移民政策。然而，即使政府在移民政策上的目标是公平和平衡的，将这一过程数字化仍将涉及严重的原则问题。

把改变生活的决定交给机器学习算法总是有风险的。数据中的小偏差会变成结果中的大偏差，但这些都很难挑战，因为软件的使用将它们笼罩在混淆和假定的客观性之中，尤其是当其运作方式被描述为“人工智能”时。这并不是说它们总是有害的，或者没有任何用处：通过仔细的培训和能够被充分理解、明确定义的问题，以及当它们处理好的数据时，软件系统可以比人类做得更好。

这不仅仅是软件的问题。从某种意义上说，整个公务员体系就像任何其他官僚机构一样，是一台算法机器：它根据一组确定的规则处理问题。好的公务员就像电脑程序一样，忠实地执行指令，严格按照指令行事。公务员应该比任何计算机都更清楚地理解指令人的意思和真正想要什么。但当指令明确时，政府的机制——一个生动的比喻——就会将它们付诸行动。

数字算法更容易更快犯更大的错误，且承担的责任更少。传统公务员体系的模拟官僚制与人工智能的数字化官僚制之间的一个关键区别是，追究人类组织的责任并追溯其做出决策的过程要容易得多。神经网络的工作通常是不透明的，甚至对他们的程序员也是如此。

然而，这项技术对各国政府的承诺如此之大，他们肯定会部署它。这并不意味着我们无能为力。有一些简单的非技术测试可以应用于政府科技：我们可以很容易地问，把某项特定服务数字化，是会令必须使用该服务的市民的生活更美好，还是只会更方便公务员的工作。在某些情况下，这些目标是直接对立的。要求通用信贷的申请者在线上进行申请直接伤害了无法上网的人，而这些人很可能是最需要信贷的。同样，移民服务的数字化意味着面对面的面试更加困难和昂贵;同样，这可能会伤害那些最需要它的人。

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